Answer extracted from The Daily podcast — listen to the full episode below.
Saudi Arabia's entire economy and government budget depend on oil revenue, and their diversification efforts also rely on oil sales to fund costly investments—meaning a sustained blockade of all export routes is an existential threat to the kingdom's stability. At the same time, Yemen is tilting back toward full-blown war, which threatens to devastate tens of millions already living in one of the world's worst humanitarian crises.
Saudi Arabia has no real fallback plan if it cannot move oil to global markets. The kingdom's attempts to diversify—major investments in tourism, technology, and renewable energy—were all funded by oil revenue in the first place. As Vivian Neerheim explains in The Daily episode, blocking Saudi Arabia's oil exports is not simply an economic inconvenience; it strikes at the heart of how the kingdom finances everything. Without access to global markets, the government has no way to fund its ambitious Vision 2030 projects or sustain public spending.
The Houthis' control of the Bab al-Mandab Strait and their demonstrated ability to strike at both the East-West Pipeline and shipping lanes in the Red Sea means Saudi Arabia faces a genuine dilemma. The kingdom cannot easily reopen these routes through negotiation—the Houthis remain hostile—and military solutions have already proven costly and ineffective in the past.
The humanitarian toll is equally stark. Yemen has been in crisis since the Houthis became a major power player in 2014 and Saudi Arabia launched its bombing campaign in 2015. A UN-backed truce signed in 2022 brought a fragile ceasefire, but the latest escalation is reversing that fragile peace and pushing the country back toward open conflict.
For a population already living in one of the world's worst humanitarian emergencies—with widespread hunger, disease, and displacement—a return to full-scale war means catastrophic suffering for tens of millions. The conflict's expansion threatens to undo years of tentative stability, even as resources for humanitarian aid remain scarce.
"As long as there is still conflict in the region and as long as they have foes who are still willing and able to attack the pipeline, that will remain a risk."
Vivian Neerheim — Correspondent, The New York Times. Based in Riyadh, Saudi Arabia, Neerheim covers the geopolitical complexities of the Middle East with particular focus on Iran-Saudi dynamics, regional conflicts, and their global energy implications. Her reporting addresses how conflicts in the Gulf reshape energy security worldwide.
The deeper context matters here: as The Daily explores in detail, these are not isolated crises. Saudi Arabia's oil export crisis directly feeds global gas price inflation—a 20-cent jump per gallon happened overnight in U.S. markets when the conflict intensified—while Yemen's humanitarian spiral affects millions with no voice in global negotiations.
Saudi Arabia's options include going back to war with the Houthis to force them to back down militarily, which didn't go well the first time. Another option is to seek international support to clear shipping lanes.
According to Trump's statements, the Houthis don't want to fight the U.S., only Saudi Arabia. The administration also cited that the U.S. had already fought the Houthis in previous campaigns.
In July, the Houthis declared a naval blockade on Saudi Arabia in the Red Sea. Last week, the Houthis pushed towards the Red Sea coast and seized vast territories, eliminating the kingdom's last viable export options.